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Fight against poverty

Anti Poverty in the United States

Even the world's richest, like the United States does not escape the poverty problem. This paper takes a critical look at poverty and policy Anti-poverty in the United States. In this article, I argued that poverty is caused by several factors. This paper also examines the prospects Liberals and the Conservatives to reduce poverty in America. The Conservatives have focused on individual factors such as wage differentials across, the family breakdown, the factors of race and other reasons, while the Liberals have emphasized the structural transformation of economy U.S. to explain the persistence of poverty. Since 1960, federal and state have been faced with political address the problem with mixed results. In this article, I analyzed the political and also recommended possible ways to cope this irreducible nature of poverty.

According to Sen (1981), 'the poor are those whose consumption standards below standards, or whose incomes are below this line. " The word "poverty" suggests destitution, an inability to provide a family with nutritious food, clothing and reasonable shelter. More than thirty-six million Americans live below the official poverty line of U.S. (Blank, 2007). This means a family of three earning less than $ 16,000 or an individual earns $ 10,300 per year (Blank, 2007, p. 17). Fight of millions more each month to pay for necessities base, or running out of savings when they lose jobs or face health emergencies. Job losses, high unemployment, seizures and food and gas prices continue to stimulate the formulation of policies designed to improve the condition of the poor.

Poverty is closely linked to poverty and suffering. The lost potential of children in poor households and low productivity and earnings of adults poor are all linked to poor health, increased crime and broken neighborhoods. Child poverty generally leads to care health and poor areas of high crime. Persistence of child poverty is estimated to cost U.S. $ 500 dollars annually, about 4% of gross domestic product of the nation (Blank, 2007, p.1).

One person in eight in the lives of Americans against poverty and poverty in the United States is much higher than in many developed countries (Rebecca Blank, 2007, p1). Inequality has a record. The richest 1 per percent of Americans in 2005, held the largest share of national revenues (19%) since 1929 (Rebecca Blank, 2007, p. 2). At the same time 20% of Americans held only 3.4% of national revenues (Rebecca Blank, 2007, p.2).

Colorado, despite being surrounded by beautiful mountains Rockies and has a cool climate and mountain has many homeless. Experts have found that a growing number of single parent households, a shortage jobs for workers with low wages and low rates of high school graduates have contributed to the growth of poverty in Colorado. The rate poverty rose from 9.2% in Colorado 2000-2001 to 10.6% in 2005-2006 while the poverty rate in the United States increased from 11.5% in 2000-2001 to 12.5% in 2005-2006 (Center on Law and Policy, 2006, p.1). Most of these poor unfortunate people suffer from mental disorders and health problems.

Causes of poverty

Policy analysts are trying to explore many direct and indirect causes of poverty seen in the United States to formulate effective policies to alleviate poverty. The work of scholars such as Corley (2003), Sowell (2004), Iceland (2006), Jencks (1992), James Tobin (1993) and others have shown that the intractable nature of poverty is the result of any factor other than the interaction of a variety of causes. The breakdown of family and other social causes as well as structural changes in the economy have all contributed to the failure of society to eradicate poverty despite intense efforts by political analysts.

Explanation of the Individual poverty primarily stresses the motivating factors and attitudes or factors related to human capital. Thus, lack of motivation among the poor, the causes of poverty. Generous social programs, may affect the mood of the beneficiaries and they prefer to stay at home and enjoy the benefits rather than outside of work. Murray (1984) argues that individuals prefer to stay on welfare because of insufficient motivation to leave welfare programs public.

The formulation and Proliferation Control Policy against poverty has been a major concern of the U.S. Government since 1960. The level of education is necessary to obtain gainful employment. Elementary school education, and lack of adequate skills and motivation of the poor out of the situation is the major cause of poverty. People equipped with high technical skills of employees get jobs while those who leave school are paid low on an hourly basis. During the 1960s when the former president of the United States Lyndon Johnson began to implement war, the United States on poverty ", he placed great emphasis on education (Jencks, 1992). The administration of Lyndon Johnson, even invested in programs such as Head Start and vocational training to improve skills of the poor and also to prevent future generations to work in low-paying jobs. Researchers such as Sowell (2004) and Corley (2003) have stressed the factors level of the individual as the central causes of poverty. They argue that the compensation of a person based on his educational qualifications and marketable skills. Sowell (2004) argues that the lack of appropriate skills has affected the ability of many poor out of poverty. It also states that There was an increase in the poverty rate for unskilled Americans, who have lost jobs to Asian immigrants. Corley (2003) also supports the argument above regarding the "lack of education" as a source of entrenched poverty. Poor quality of education wrong results funded inner-city schools with little marketable skills leading to jobs with low wages and other miseries associated with it such as less ability to pay for housing, food, clothing, medical care, poor neighborhoods, funding problems for schools, and increased risk of severe disease (Corley, 2003).

Many historians have argued that structural changes are the main Because of the persistence of poverty in the United States. Structuralists focus on issues such as unemployment, discrimination in education, institutional racism and economic change to explain the causes of poverty. Scholars argue that the inability to provide jobs for decent pay Some American families and the ineffectiveness of American public policy for reducing poverty are mainly the result of failures and structural processes. Poverty is rooted in the structure of American society. Rank, 2004 supports the above view and argues that the lack human capital tends to place individuals in a vulnerable state when events and crises occur. The incidence of these events, such as job loss, family breakdown and poor health often results in poverty. These ill-fated people unable to manage these situations are found often paying more. Researchers also argue that the acquisition of human capital is strongly influenced by the impact of social class on this process (Rank, 2004). Apart from poor family, race and sex also play a role in the acquisition of human capital (Mark Robert Rank, 2004).

The globalization, the expansion of credit markets leading to greater debt and seizures leading to a recession in 2008, all point to the increasing poverty. Iceland (2006), focuses on economic factors and argued that poverty is also a product of deindustrialization. As the United States moves from a manufacturing, industrial society to a service-oriented, the high-tech society, many jobs blue collar that required little education, but paying disappear or are outsourced. Rural areas, such as the Appalachians, suffer losses of mining jobs, and cities such as Detroit losing manufacturing jobs to automation of many factories or abroad. Some people are unable to keep working or going to work are left in neighborhoods without jobs or tax base to support necessary social functions, as schools, public transport, police, and so on. Others simply can not find employment because of the transition to a market economy services, in economic terms these people are structurally unemployed due to the changing skills required. Tobin (1993) argues the point view of the above and insists on the disappearance of jobs in the 1900s as the main reason for the inability of countries to eradicate poverty. Recent data from the employment shows that the slump in U.S. housing crisis and credit markets in America threatens to increase poverty levels. Isidore (2008) noted that job losses are widespread, with the construction sector lost 51,000 jobs battered and employment manufacturing fell by 48,000 in the year 2008. The retail employment fell by 12,000 jobs, businesses and employees in professional services reduce its staff of 35,000. The unemployment rate jumped to 6.1% in September from 4.9% in January (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2008).

Kelso (1994), shows that over the last forty years, there has been a major change of U.S. companies primarily in the west and south. Part of This change reflects the increase of the cold war and the government's decision to expand U.S. military power (Kelso, 1994). He argued that America elected to invest more in defense and aerospace industry, cities like Seattle and Los Angeles on the West Coast began prosper while the growth of high technology and information-based technology leads to increasing wealth of California and the San Francisco Bay. Later, with the expansion of road network and inter-state job growth, markets have been created in the south.

Iceland (2006) also argues that millions while the services sector of the economy has generated jobs, but once again polarized gain distribution based on academic achievement between better-paying jobs, poor countries paying jobs. It supports a Marxist analysis of class struggle and exploitation, and focuses on business owners in favor of hiring labor Cheap to maximize their profits. This also explains the influx of low-cost labor in the United States from Mexico and other countries. Improved access to credit has put cars, computers, credit cards, and even homes within reach of much of the working poor. But this overhaul market for low-income consumers has a dark side. Roubini notes that "Access to credit should be to help individuals low income, but instead become an opportunity for upward social and economic, it becomes a debt trap for many trying to move forward (Grow and Epstein, 2007).

Despite public assistance and wide initiatives taken by the federal and the state, poverty still exists. Careful analysis of the situation and formulating effective policy is needed to solve the problem of poverty in the United States. Specialists such as (2004) Rank, Blank (2007) and others have shown that the U.S. government spends less money sent to poverty than any other industrialized country. Thus, a major structural failure is found at the political level (Rang, 2004). Most countries Europe offer a wide range of insurance programs, unemployment assistance and comprehensive universal health coverage and a substantial support for child care (Rang, 2004). These social programs are more generous than the United States (Rank, 2004). While the low-income families the United States work more than other countries, they are still unable to offset the decline in government income support compared to their European counterparts (Blank, 2007, 141-142).

The gross disparity between the poor people of the United States along racial lines have led Many researchers speculate that institutional racism is responsible for much of poverty in the United States. Racial discrimination in employment and education contribute to the growth of poverty. Some scholars such as Massey and Denton (1993) interpret the statistics on institutional racism, while others such as Kelso (1994) to interpret the statistics as evidence of deficiencies and the suffering of blacks. Despite efforts to eliminate racism, slavery and Jim Crow segregation, Massey and Denton (1993) argue that racial segregation still exists and that the root cause of Poverty among African Americans is segregation. They argue that segregation perpetuated and created a black underclass by limiting the opportunities education and employment. Massey and Denton (1993) have shown that blacks have been presented in houses racially mixed areas or areas adjacent to predominantly black areas.

In addition, changing patterns of family formation are more pronounced among racial and ethnic groups. Family models are also a cause of poverty in the United States. There is a large gender gap in wages. In 2004, the median of male workers FTYR was $ 40,798 versus $ 31,223 for women FTYR (Denavit-Walt et al, 2005), Pearce (1978) believes that " poverty is rapidly becoming a female problem. " Iceland (2006) supports this statement and showed that in 2000 the poverty rate among women (12.5%) was 26% higher than the male poverty rate (9.9%) (Iceland, 2006). According to Iceland, women are less economic resources than men and are more likely to be single parents. It also leads to a greater increase likely than unmarried, divorced or widowed women are poorer than their male counterparts due to less income from Social Security or other retirement income in addition to longer life expectancy of women. Lower wages for women, lower pensions and the growing number of single mothers led some authors to talk about the "feminization of poverty."

Federal policies

After the Second World War in 1963, job creation by President John F. Kennedy 's tax policies could not eliminate the problem of poverty. Poverty is still recognized as an important national problem. President Lyndon B. Johnson 's War on Poverty has led to a host of programs that included Medicare, Medicaid, food stamps, Aid to Families with Dependent Children, and others. These entitlements have consumed half of the budget Federal and could alleviate poverty. The U.S. economy has been devastated by the recession of 1979-83 when the United Statess manufacturing infrastructure has been shattered by soaring interest rates the Federal Reserve causing unemployment to shoot up sixty-five percent in four years (Cook, 2007). In the late 1980s, the economy was in another recession, leading to the election of Bill Clinton who, in 1992, replacing the incumbent, George HW Bush. The investment boom of the 1990s was fueled by foreign capital are recruited by the Treasury strong dollar policy. Jobs have been created as the dot.com bubble expanded, trade barriers fell and giants commercial utilities like Enron took off. NAFTA was enacted to promote free trade, welfare work reduced the low-income women in the labor market, and the Earned Income Tax Credit has been extended. The game ended when the stock market collapsed in December 2000 and millions of people lost their retirement savings and other investments. Then came recession Just as George W. Bush was declared president of the Supreme Court of the United States in December 2000. The economic crisis has worsened after September 11, 2001 attacks where 1.4 trillion dollars of wealth have disappeared during the worst five trading days since the Great Depression (Cook, 2007). Cook (2007) argues that today, poverty becomes a national disaster. Cook (2007) argues that from 2002 to 2006, the economy has been proposed by the housing bubble, with many low-income people to enter in their own homes thanks to the proliferation of mortgage loans under risk. With the financial difficulties in late 2008, many U.S. citizens find themselves with inflated prices at home and no way to pay.

The policy of 1960, initiatives and the declaration of "unconditional war against poverty" by former President Lyndon Johnson was a discrete change in the federal government will intervene in order to improve the economic status of Americans poor. Despite the billions of dollars spent on programs like CETA (Training Act Comprehensive Employment), The development of personal and Act training, Head Start and the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, the government's efforts to address root causes of poverty have had minimal success. During this period, implementation of the old social security program age provided almost all retired workers against the risk of outliving their economies. The Social Security Act of 1935 sought to protect the incomes of those who were not working due to age or economy poor by establishing a framework for federal unemployment insurance, old age benefits, and assistance to women. In early 1964, the two highest priorities of the agenda of anti-poverty President Johnson involved passing a massive tax cut to stimulate economics and organization of a working group to shape the "war on poverty". Economic Opportunity Act (EOA) signed by Johnson created a long list of programs designed to assist individuals to acquire marketable skills, political power and the ability Location. But this anti-poverty oversaw other programs such as Community Action Program, Job Corps, VISTA, Head Start (1965) Legal Services (1965), which were not included in its scope. While large programs such as food stamps for elderly Medicare Medicaid eligible residents applied to the poor, the Elementary and Secondary Education Act for poor students eclipsed the EOA. The Higher Education Act eased the financial burden of millions of college students. The Civil Rights Act opened up new areas in the U.S. market, while the Voting Rights Act did the same for the political market. The Fair Housing Act established an important base of the right to fight against housing discrimination. Consequently, the EOA slowly lost its importance. Again, Murray (1984) argues that welfare has risen so high so as to make living in poverty a valid option for the poor. Even Burton (1992) supported the views above and claims that the programs were more because of poverty than to reduce it.

When Nixon took office, he has tried to address poverty more directly than focusing on social programs. . Although President Nixon expressed his dislike for much of the war against poverty, his administration has responded to public pressure by maintaining most programs and expanding the welfare state through the liberalization of the food stamp program, the indexing of Social Security inflation, and the passage of the safety extra income (SSI) for disabled Americans (Rank, 2004). The Nixon administration also approved a "new federalism" in which the federal government has shifted more authority over companies welfare to state and local governments. His plan to implement the plan to help the family '(FAP) was composed of various provisions relating to income, working arrangements and training for those below the poverty line (Rank, 2004). He failed in the Senate just as "Programs for Better Jobs and Income" initiated by President Carter in subsequent years. Wellness continuation of the reform as the center of federal policy debates, even after the legislative defeat of FAP. Although negative cash income of a "tax" (NIT) for all poor people have never adopted the Food Stamp Program has provided a national benefit in the form of food coupons that vary according the family size, regardless of the state of residence or lifestyle or marital status. The number of AFDC recipients increased approximately 6 million to 11 million and the number of beneficiaries of food stamps from about 1 to 19 million during the administration Nixon (Danziger, 1999, p. 8). Danziger (1999) also argues that the increase in cash and benefits in kind has become accessible to a larger percentage people poor, disincentives to work and budget costs of welfare programs were increasingly challenged. The public and policymakers policies came to view welfare recipients has increased as evidence that the programs were subsidizing dependency and idleness encouraging.

Despite the failure to adopt a program of guaranteed income, as the number of beneficiaries and the amount of money spent on programs for welfare increased substantially during the 1970s (Rang, 2004). Rank (2004) gave an overview of the policies of Reagan and noted that Reagan insisted on individual action without being hampered by government interference, rejected social engineering federalism 1960s and also supported, that is to return power to states rather than centralized in the federal government. Reagan tried to resolve the problem and set the tone for the reform of welfare that took place in 1990 during the administration of his successor. The administration Reagan thought of eligibility for welfare payments have increased so much that many people who were not "truly needy" receiving benefits. The Reagan administration opposed the simultaneous reception of wages and welfare benefits. Rather, he suggested that the well-being become a safety net to provide cash assistance only for those unable to secure jobs.

The Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC), enacted in 1975, provides families of working poor with a refundable tax credit (ie, the family receives payment to the Internal Revenue Service if the credit exceeds the tax due on income). Thus, the EITC raises the effective wage low-income families, is available in both one or two parent families, and does not require them to seek assistance. The maximum EITC for a poor family, was $ 400 in 1975 and increased to $ 550 by 1986 (Danziger, 1999, p. 14). The law on tax reform of 1986 increased the EITC so that by 1990, low-income working parent received a maximum credit of $ 953 (Danziger, 1999, p. 14). The number of families receiving increased credits between 5 and 7.5 million families per year between 1975 and 1986 to over 11 million by 1988 (Danziger, 1999, p. 14). Danziger, 1999 argues that supplements as earnings expanded EITC low, it became easier for policymakers to focus on the reform of welfare policies that could place beneficiaries in any job, rather than train them to "good jobs". Thus, he argues that if a recipient nonworking took a job at low wages, a substantial EITC could make work pay as a wage job would have paid higher in the absence of a EITC.

The Family Support Act (FSA) of 1988 broadened the scope of the AFDC program for two-parent families, established child care, transitional and Medicaid recipients moving from welfare to work, and states added funds to establish programs to spend more number of welfare recipients into employment. When the number of welfare recipients has soared in the late 1980s and early 1990s, from about 11 to about 14 million beneficiaries, dissatisfaction welfare increased again (Danziger, 1999).

President Nixon identified the two main economic problems, inflation and unemployment, which justifies the need for economic recovery for the worker U.S.. Reagan said the despair caused by unemployment combined with high inflation. Reagan's rhetorical construction of welfare and the social welfare system aimed at reducing anxiety among Americans caused by higher taxes, inflation and the constant fear of losing jobs. To end this persecution, Reagan proposed an economic stimulus plan (Rang, 2004). In addition to reducing costs Public spending on social programs specifically, Reagan also proposed having state governments take control of aid Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) and food stamp program in exchange for federal control of Medicaid. Although this proposal has failed to reach the floor of Congress, his presentation of the proposal to exchange the AFDC and Food Stamp Program with Medicaid is Poverty a local concern (Mark Robert Rank, 2004).

Liberals and conservatives continue to disagree on other objectives welfare to work programs. Liberals thought reform welfare should increase opportunities for mothers to be receiving training and work experience that would help raise the living standards of their families by working more and higher wages. Conservatives insisted on the demands of work, mothers welfare obligations owed in return for government support whether or not the income of their families has increased (Mead, 1992).

In later years, the approach of President Clinton also highlighted empowerment as a way to help welfare recipients and to accumulate more savings, without penalty and expanding the tax credit on income (Blank, 2007). In the mid-1990s, the emphasis of policy shifted from the fight against poverty to reduce dependence on welfare. President Clinton signed the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996 (PRWORA) ended the entitlement to cash assistance and dramatically changed the nature of the social security net. The law created the Temporary Assistance Program for Needy Families (TANF). TANF began 1 July 1997, provides cash assistance to indigent American families with dependent children in the United States Department of Health and Human Services (The Center for American Progress Task Force on Poverty, 2007). Danziger, 1999 states that the State C ach can now decide which families to support, subject only to a requirement that they receive "fair and equitable." By establishing a block grant program, PRWORA States recognized the opportunity to design their own systems, both states met a set of basic requirements of the federal government. The focus of the bill at the end of welfare as a program of law places a lifetime limit of five years on benefits paid from funds federal, and also aims to encourage two-parent families and discourage out of wedlock births. By giving states latitude wider to design their own programs, some states have decided to place additional requirements on recipients. Although the law sets a limit time for services funded by federal funds over 2 consecutive years and not more than 5 years over a lifetime, some states have adopted tighter limits. All States, however, have allowed exceptions with the intent not to punish children because their parents have exceeded the limit time. The federal requirements have ensured a certain uniformity among the States, but the block grant approach has led individual states to distribute federal money in different ways. Some states actively encourage more education, others use the money to help fund private companies to help jobseekers. PRWORA offers no opportunity to work in exchange for welfare benefits When a beneficiary reaches the lifetime limit of 60 months of sustained assistance by the federal cash. But reform has certain limitations. States in May do not use federal funds block grant to provide more than a cumulative lifetime total of 60 months of cash assistance to a recipient welfare, regardless of how it might be willing to work for their benefits, and they can set shorter time limits. States may grant exemptions from the limit of life and continue to use federal funds to a maximum of 20 per cent of cases. The magnitude of work expectations has also been increased. Single-parent recipients who had no children under one year will be called working at least 30 hours per week by FY 2002 to maintain eligibility for cash assistance (Danziger, 1999, p 20). States may require participation in work or work-related activities regardless of the age of youngest child. As PRWORA from research which seeks to both reduce poverty and social dependency (Danziger, 1999). In the 1990s, following Clinton's call for "the end welfare as we know, "policy makers stepped up their demands for recipients to work and reduce the obligations of Government to fund and to serve them (Danziger, 1999).

When Bush took office in 2001, the United States has a national surplus, the Unemployment and poverty had been declining for years, and the economy was booming. Now, almost six years later, poverty is increasing the coverage of health care is declining, and the country is faced with the largest national deficit in history. Class families average slip slowly below the poverty line and the poor become poorer. Most of these families are headed by women.

President Bush has extended the TANF. There was an initiative of overall economic recovery in the policy of the Bush administration, but nothing targeting Americans Low income was enacted. President Bush signed the Economic Recovery Plan (HR 5140) into law with the hope that it will provide much-needed boost to the lagging economy. The package includes tax rebates for individuals, tax relief for businesses and a temporary increase of the Federal Housing loans from $ 417,000 to $ 729,750 (White House Report, 2008). Over 130 million people are expected to get tax rebates ranging from $ 300 to $ 1,200 per household for those earning $ 75,000 or less and couples earning up to $ 150,000 (White House Report, 2008). If the stimulus package Sexton will provide financial assistance to millions of people, fails to target those most in need because it does not include an extension of unemployment benefits, energy assistance, food stamp benefits or tax relief to states for Medicaid.

From the above analysis, the question arises whether the poor are responsible their own condition. The above analysis implies that the recipients become dependent and lethargy due to measures of well-being huge. Scientists such as Murray (1984) and Kilty and Segal (2006) have focused on individual factors. They argue that social protection measures and lack of spirit and motivation in helping indigent poverty. Danziger, 1999 argues that during the Nixon era measures to increase welfare encouraged idleness. Kilty and Segal, 2006 also argues that poor people can escape in a state of self-sufficiency from the dependence of learning attitude appropriate labor and skills. Kilty and Segal, 2006 argue the importance of reforming welfare and approach from "tough love" would ultimately help the poor by making them aware of their condition and forcing them to take their own responsibility. Bill Clinton focus on "personal responsibility" and measures to "end welfare as we know it" in 1992, all carriers of the above argument.

Due to the implementation of TANF, the number of people on welfare has declined. As a result funds have accumulated more. In 1996, the number beneficiaries was ADFC 12644076, while in 2001 the number of TANF recipients is 5.91, 811 and the poverty rate has also reduced from 13.7 to 11.3 (Kilty and Segal, 2006) and then in 2008, it is 1628422 (U.S. Dept. of Health and Human Services). The share of single mothers with Social (based on number of administrative files, figures divided by the number of the population) rose from 38 percent in 1969 to 48 per cent in 1980, but was fell to 30 per cent by 1998 (Kilty and Segal, 2006). These changes in the number of cases are very widespread, with each state in the country with lower substantial number of cases. This decline has been widely hailed by politicians as an indication that policies aimed at reducing dependence on assistance public and bring less qualified adults in the labor market have been extremely effective (Blank, 2007). But however Blank argues that reducing social assistance does not affect the poverty rate. The poverty rate in 2007 was 12.5 percent, up slightly from the level 12.3 percent in 2006. The poverty rate rose for four years straight from 2000 to 2004. In 2007, the poverty rate was 1.2 percentage points higher than it was in 2000 (Blank, 2007).

States welfare initiatives

Most states have taken an important decision on reform, and this decision was sensible in light of the objectives state and experience. Some states do not make serious policy reform. New York has been so deeply divided that it No action was taken seriously AFDC (Mead, 2002). Alabama and Missouri were pushed into reform by federal action and appeared to have little social protection policy of their own (Mead, 2002). In several other southern states (Florida, North Carolina), the policy seemed be relaxed and personalized with the governor or the legislature offer reform plans with apparently little investigation or evidence evidence behind them (Mead, 2002). Texas policy was inconsistent for the state claims continue work first, but based its policy on an experimental program and focuses much more on education and training (Mead, 2002). States have always insisted on reform. But sometimes smaller contribution to these plans result in total failure of the program. Mead (2002) argues that Florida and Georgia, however, bureaucracy has been drawn into the reform, but has shown little commitment to it. In Arizona and California, the agency or local Major had been strongly committed to a skills approach on the well-being and resisted the move to work first. In Texas, social reform was a lower priority to administrators that reconstruction programs not in use, protection and other initiatives. In the Colorado and New Jersey, local agencies had a history of distrust of state government, which prevented them from agreeing fully the reforms agreed in the capital. Mead (2002) argues that, despite the establishment of Employment Service (ES), funding Federal agency and training programs under the federal Job Training Partnership Act (JTPA), poverty rate has not improved. After the national programs of social protection of labor was enacted in 1967, the ES comes to their well-being. But because the routine HE said the service for job seekers who have come voluntarily, it generally performed poorly with welfare clients (Mead, 2002). These jobseekers came on a mandatory basis, as a condition for receiving aid. To get them, the Agency had applied work, but also support for use with special services. The ES often found these two antagonistic roles (Mead, 2002). The ES has been noted the role of the entrepreneur well-being and later in 1988, the Workforce Investment Act (WIA) has merged the ES, JTPA, and other programs social work. But this merger has also created confusion. The problems are lack of clear procedures to refer clients to WIA, for used there, or to report results on welfare. States that lack of coordination and inadequate information systems management (GIS) were Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Tennessee, Washington, West Virginia, Florida, Georgia and Tennessee.

Reforming Public Service of Colorado has been associated with declining poverty rates. At the end of 2000, the unemployment rate in Colorado fell to 2.6 percent, personal income showed a steady increase, cases the welfare state has declined dramatically, and state legislators grappling with an estimated $ 833 million revenue surplus (Colorado Fiscal Policy Institute, 2001). But despite all the facts above poverty persists even as expenses such as child care, out of pocket medical expenses and geographic differences in housing costs has increased. The increases occurred even after adjusting for income support such as tax relief, food stamps and school lunch programs, aid housing and energy assistance. A 2001 report by the Colorado Fiscal Policy Institute determined that a single parent with two small children who live in the county of Denver would need to earn an annual salary of about $ 39,924 to meet their basic needs such as Housing, food, health care, child care and transportation without public aid or private. Although child poverty rate is high in Colorado. About 180,000 children, 15.7 percent of total state were living in poverty in Colorado in 2006, an increase of 73 per cent since 2000 (Frosch, 2008). The state purchases childcare Colorado income families eligible for assistance through the Colorado Child Care Program (CCCAP). The state allows each province to determine the purchase price of child care and make payments to suppliers from a combination parental rights and federal, state and county funds. However, the Colorado Office of Resource and referral services (CORRA) found in a 2001 study that the county average payment fell below 75 percent of market value (Colorado Fiscal Policy Institute, 2001, p. 9). As a result counties forced providers to subsidize the cost of service to low income families, many of which have all simply not prepared to do when limited slots could be filled with families who could afford to pay full price. Other suppliers have chosen not simply refuse service to families CCCAP saved money by limiting the number of children they accept CCCAP, cutting programs, or reduce workers' wages. All these actions limited availability and quality of care sacrificed to low-income children. Poverty still exists Colorado, despite efforts to alleviate poverty as too many lives working families with incomes below the poverty line and more families earn wages too low to meet their basic needs. The Government of Colorado began the Common Good Caucus in 2007 to develop an agenda 2009 focusing on K-12 Education and determined to bring the technology out of the laboratory and on the market by investing $ 4.5 million in Bioscience industry support fund clean energy to reduce the high costs of the family of utility, the creation of the Colorado Solar Incentive Program with 2 million to provide rebates for photovoltaic and solar thermal systems to help the citizens of Colorado to join the energy conservation New and reduce their utility bills (State Rep. Andy Kerr, 2008). Poor people can not pay the full cost of heating and lighting their homes. Governments and social service agencies have long helped low-income taxpayers to pay their bills through programs such as Home Low Income Energy Assistance Program (LIHEAP), charitable fund fuel leveled invoicing, discounts, home weatherization, efficiency energy, education, energy use and debt management. If all Americans live in homes weatherized and efficient energy and income to pay their share of utility bills, all other taxpayers would save almost $ 6 billion in costs of poverty, including fuel assistance, lifeline and assistance rates, weatherization and profitability, costs late payments and disconnections of services (Oppenheim and MacGregor, 2007).

Recommendations

From the foregoing analysis, it is clear that poverty remains widespread because of the economic system, stratification social and welfare measures. According to Iceland (2003) on the one hand, economic growth and technological change contribute to higher wages and living standards overall. Economic growth accompanied by rising levels of education improves the condition of people. On the other hand, the market economy often has the opposite effect on levels of poverty (Iceland 2003). To maximize profits, Business Usually asked to pay workers low wages that increase inequality and poverty. Again policy may increase or decrease the harmful effects of inequality. The combination of factors highlighted by the Liberals and Conservatives, poverty is multifaceted. I think a strong national effort will help alleviate poverty. Employment opportunities for all, so that workers and their families can escape poverty, meet basic needs and save for the future. Increase the hourly wage would certainly improve the condition of these people. A smaller share of unemployed workers with low wages, insurance benefits, unemployment. I believe that states (with the help federal government) should reform "monetary eligibility" rules that prevent low-wage workers, broaden eligibility for part-time workers and workers who lost their jobs due to compelling family circumstances. Workers should use this period of unemployment and money received from the unemployment insurance system and improve their skills and qualifications. Thus, adults should have opportunities throughout their lives to connect to work, get more education, and live in a good neighborhood and progress on the workforce.

Support for children care for low-income families and focusing on the K 12 education would certainly reduce the poverty rate in the United States. Low-income youth not attending college than their peers with higher incomes. Pell Grants play a role for income students. Streamlining the application process, Pell grant, and encouraging institutions to do more to address completion rates of students would certainly improve the condition. Expansion of Pell grants would make higher education accessible residents of each state. States at the same time should also develop strategies to make postsecondary education affordable for all residents. The expansion of credit, knowledge would encourage saving for education, homeownership, and retirement. Consequently, all Americans have strengths that enable them to withstand periods of volatility and have resources that may be essential for upward economic mobility. Besides the credit card, expansion of Earned Income Tax Credit would increase incomes and helps families build assets. Thus, it should be possible for all, so that children grow up in conditions that maximize their opportunities for success.

References:

Rebecca Blank (2007); poverty to prosperity; Center for the U.S. Task Force on Poverty;

www.americanprogress.org/issues/2007/04/pdf/poverty_report.pdf - Similar pages

Colorado Statewide Homeless Count (2007), School of Public Affairs, University of Colorado, denver.www.dola.state.co.us/cdh/Publications/Winter_2007_Statewide_PIT.pdf - Similar pages

Richard Cook (2007), Poverty in America

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About the Author

Garima Dasgupta
Graduate student